A voter casts their ballot in European parliamentary elections on June 9, 2024, in Berlin, Germany.
(Photo by Maja Hitij/Getty Images)
A voter casts their ballot in European parliamentary elections on June 9, 2024, in Berlin, Germany.

Snap elections in Germany remain unlikely, but growing tensions within the ruling coalition ahead of upcoming state and federal elections, particularly around ongoing budget talks, will increase political instability and policy uncertainty in the country. The three parties making up Germany's ruling coalition — Chancellor Olaf Scholz's center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD), Economy Minister Robert Habeck's Greens party and Finance Minister Christian Lindner's pro-business Free Democratic Party (FDP) — all performed poorly in the European Parliament elections on June 9, prompting opposition parties to call for Scholz's resignation and early elections. The SPD and the Greens scored just below 14% and 12%, respectively, while the FDP obtained only slightly above 5% of the votes. Meanwhile, the opposition center-right Christian Democratic Union (the CDU/CSU) won 30% of the vote, and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) gained about 16%, the party's best-ever result in a nationwide vote. While Scholz ruled out holding an early election, pressure is mounting on the coalition government, whose combined support slumped to just above 30% amid a record-high turnout for a European Parliament election in Germany (64.8%, the highest since the country's reunification). 

  • Calls for snap elections in Germany were amplified by French President Emmanuel Macron's decision to call for an early legislative election after suffering a heavy defeat in the EU elections at the hands of the far-right opposition National Rally party. Markus Soder, the leader of the conservative Bavarian CSU party, called for an early vote in Germany as well, arguing that "the same thing must happen as in France" and "the coalition no longer has the confidence of the German people."
  • A poll published by national broadcaster ZDF on June 13 shows German voters' support for the coalition has plummeted to a record low following the EU elections, with 71% of the surveyed sample expressing dissatisfaction with the government, up from 66% in May, and 51% supporting an early vote. 

Despite mounting pressure on the government, early elections are unlikely amid institutional constraints and few political incentives. Early elections are infrequent in Germany because the country's institutional framework has been specifically designed to prevent sudden government changes. To trigger an early election, the chancellor must first lose a confidence vote in parliament, after which the president would have the authority to dissolve parliament and call new elections. There are two ways to call for a confidence vote. Under a mechanism known as a "constructive vote of no confidence," the parliament can remove a chancellor only if it can simultaneously elect a new one with a majority vote. Considering that the opposition does not have enough seats to replace Scholz, this scenario is unlikely. Alternatively, the chancellor can call for a confidence vote, for instance if a coalition partner defects. Should the chancellor lose such a vote, the president would have the authority to dissolve parliament and call for new elections but would not be obliged to do so. Instead, the president could ask parties to seek to form a new coalition government based on the present composition of parliament. However, this is unlikely amid a lack of viable alternatives for the three ruling parties. The current coalition would struggle to agree on a new chancellor while maintaining the current government alliance, while none of the ruling parties has an incentive to trigger early elections at the moment, particularly in light of the poor results in the European Parliament elections. 

  • Were Chancellor Scholz to call and lose a confidence vote, perhaps as a result of the FDP walking away from the coalition, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier would likely first seek to have the center-right CDU attempt to form a government instead of calling a new election. Knowing the CDU would likely use this chance to call for new elections itself, as CDU leader Helmut Kohl did in 1982 after the SPD's Chancellor Helmut Schmidt lost a confidence vote, all three ruling parties would likely seek to avoid this scenario unless they saw political benefits from submitting to a new vote.

While unlikely, early elections are still possible amid growing infighting within the ruling coalition due to diverging spending priorities and political pressures ahead of upcoming state and federal elections. With only three months before state elections in the eastern states of Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg (where the AfD is expected to perform strongly) and little more than a year ahead of federal elections expected in the fall of 2025, the three coalition partners will likely seek to highlight their electoral profiles by hardening their stances on sensitive issues such as defense, support for Ukraine, climate policy and fiscal prudence. Tensions surrounding these issues will converge in ongoing negotiations for the 2025 budget, which are expected to enter their final rounds over the coming few months. Government infighting over spending priorities is likely to intensify amid weaker-than-expected tax revenue projections, the FDP's reluctance to increase taxes, and strict constitutional borrowing limits that are limiting the government's room to maneuver. On one hand, the SPD and the Greens will push for higher spending on their policy priorities, such as rearmament, social spending and energy transition investment, while the FDP will insist on maintaining fiscal austerity. With all sides less willing to compromise in light of political calculations, a scenario in which the three parties fail to reach an agreement and the coalition government collapses (possibly as a result of the FDP leaving the alliance) cannot be ruled out.

  • FDP leader and Finance Minister Christian Lindner pledged not to lift the country's constitutionally-enshrined debt brake (a self-imposed cap on government borrowing that limits budget deficits to 0.35% of gross domestic product), rejecting calls from his coalition partners to soften the limit. Instead, Lindner called for cuts to pensions, social security payments and energy transition projects.
  • The FDP might consider triggering a coalition collapse if it thinks voters would reward this move in an early election, perhaps enabling it to enter a coalition government with the more ideologically aligned CDU after the vote. However, having only received 5.2% of the vote in the European Parliament elections (barely above the threshold the party will need to reenter the Bundestag in a federal election), going to the ballots in such a weakened position would be a significant risk. 

While an early general election would raise questions about whether the far-right could enter the German government for the first time since World War II, a centrist coalition is the most likely outcome. An early election would likely see the CDU emerging as the largest party, but likely strong results from fringe parties like AfD or the recently formed populist left-wing Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance — both of which all mainstream parties have pledged not to collaborate with — would require complex coalition building in Berlin. In the likely case that the CDU refuses to form a government with the AfD, a centrist CDU-SPD coalition, possibly including a smaller party like the Greens or the FDP, would be a possible outcome. A CDU-led coalition government would likely result in stricter migration policies, a less ambitious climate policy, and increased support for traditional industries, but also in significant policy continuity in areas such as the economy, energy (to some extent), foreign policy, and defense and security. Even without early elections or a minority government, growing internal tensions will exacerbate persistent issues such as a slow and at times erratic decision-making process at the domestic and EU levels in Berlin, increasing policy uncertainty. 

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