In a rare move, Russian President Vladimir Putin has backed away from his support for unpopular new anti-terrorism laws dubbed the "Spring Package." Putin said during a meeting Tuesday night with his party, United Russia, that the laws may need to be "adjusted to not put people in a difficult position." Putin's concession comes as his control over his traditionally consolidated government is increasingly uncertain and the country is in the midst of a two-year election cycle.
The Spring Package had been proposed in June, just weeks before Putin signed it into law, by a group of hawkish lawmakers known for such draconian measures as the "foreign agent" laws restricting funding for nongovernmental organizations and legislation criminalizing homosexuality. The new security laws vastly expand the definition of terrorism and the government's ability to monitor potential terrorist activity. They categorize any public incitement of unrest or armed rebellion as terrorism. Even discussions of such activity in either mass or social media, or the failure of parties with knowledge of such discussions to disclose who partook in them, could be considered a criminal offense. Russian telecommunications companies are required to store all Russian users' data (texts, calls and online activity) for three years for the government to monitor, and the Federal Security Service (FSB) will have access to all encrypted data.
The laws have met with widespread criticism from politicians, activists and the telecoms. A string of Kremlin loyalists asked the president to nix them. Even Edward Snowden, whom Russia gave asylum, called the laws Russia's Big Brother. Politicians and activists claim the Spring Package would essentially prohibit free speech in the country, ending any political opposition. The telecoms argued that the laws were technically impossible and economically unfeasible, requiring the infrastructure equivalent to the output of every data storage manufacturer in the world for seven years — an impossible feat. Despite popular resistance, the Spring Package was rapidly passed in the State Duma and Federal Council, though most of the members were not present and those who were admitted to not even reading the drafts. Putin signed it into law July 7.
The Spring Package is part of a series of laws passed in recent months relaxing gun laws for citizens, creating a national guard and authorizing police to fire on crowds. The Kremlin is concerned with growing unrest in the country. The independent pollster Levada Center estimated that the number of protests has risen by 40 percent over the past two years, sparked mostly by the deep economic recession. Reasonable or not, the Kremlin also fears that outside powers could stoke a color revolution in the country. This all comes as Russia is in the midst of a two-year election cycle starting with parliamentary elections on Sept. 18 and culminating with a presidential election in March 2018.
This the first set of national elections since the 2011-12 mass protests that rocked Putin's administration and forced the Kremlin to grant a string of concessions to the Russian people — a signal that Putin was not as confident in his position as in years past. Now Putin is bending again. This time, though, cracks are showing across the Putin-designed system.
The Russian leader's approval rating, which was at 91 percent at the start of the year, has slipped by 10 percentage points, according to Levada. Opinions of his United Russia party have fallen even faster, with its favorable rating dropping from 60 to 31 percent. It is unclear whether the ruling party can hold onto a majority in parliament in coming elections without election manipulation, which was the trigger for the previous mass demonstrations. Inside the Kremlin, infighting continues to rise dangerously. In recent months, the Russian president ousted one of the most powerful men in the country, Sergei Ivanov, while battling another, Igor Sechin. Elites within the FSB who are connected with Ivanov and Sechin have been grappling for more power. And concerns of a revolt among the Kremlin elite prompted Putin to set up his own personal military, answerable only to him.
While today's decision may be a minor attempt to prevent a larger pushback, it is another symptom of a much larger problem for the Russian leader. Putin had maintained blanket support for years among the people, government and his inner circle. With that support, he was able to shape and drive the country without consideration for the popularity of his policies. Now the longtime president is in a more uncertain period, which is making Russian decision-making more erratic.
