The United States is hosting Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de facto leader, for the first time since she came to office in March, and on Wednesday, U.S. President Barack Obama announced his intention to reinstate a trade benefit program with Myanmar that has been suspended for a decade. He also indicated that Washington is prepared to lift additional sanctions against Myanmar, though he did not elaborate. Existing U.S. sanctions on the country prohibit trade with certain individuals or entities and ban arms trading with individuals or entities that have ties to the Myanmar military — impacting a significant portion of the country's economy.

Suu Kyi's visit is an opportunity for Washington to showcase the progress of Myanmar's transition since 2011 from military rule. Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize who spent 15 years under house arrest, is something of a celebrity in the West, and the United States has touted her release from house arrest — and her party's success at the polls late last year — as a symbol of change in Myanmar. The visit is also a chance for the Obama administration to secure the legacy of its pivot to Asia, a key component of which is engagement with Myanmar. Located between India and Southeast Asia, and between China and the Indian Ocean, Myanmar is a critical gateway for Washington's Asia pivot and key to the U.S. strategic effort to counterbalance a rising China.

But Suu Kyi has bigger aspirations for Myanmar than being just a counterweight to China. Domestically, she is working to develop the economy and extinguish the frictions between rival ethnic and religious groups. Internationally, she is trying to expand Myanmar's clout and weigh in on the regional issues of the day. The leader whom the West once viewed as a democratic icon with pro-Western ideals has turned into a pragmatic politician.

Since assuming power, Suu Kyi and President Htin Kyaw have attracted international attention in part for their busy diplomatic schedules. But unexpectedly, Suu Kyi's victory did not result in closer relations with the West or greater distance from China. She has in fact prioritized Myanmar's ties with its neighbors and organizations in the region — namely India, Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations — over those with larger and more distant powers such as the United States, Japan, Russia or the European Union. Her carefully crafted diplomatic agenda and balanced foreign-policy rhetoric reflect her desire for neutrality. Suu Kyi wants not to choose a side in the geopolitical competition between the United States and China, but to expand economic, security and political relations with both sides.

In many ways, Suu Kyi's foreign policy is intended to address pressing priorities at home: securing investment and increasing trade to develop the economy, and getting help to heal its ethnic and religious fractures. Suu Kyi and civilian officials in Naypyidaw understand that neither of these objectives can be achieved without at least the consent of its neighbors, particularly Beijing. Given the numerous economic and political tools at Beijing's disposal, not to mention its links to Myanmar's many ethnic groups, China will likely continue to be the foreign actor with the most influence over Myanmar's path to reform for years to come.

There is, however, another player closer to home whose support Suu Kyi needs in order to continue reforming the country: the Myanmar military, or the Tatmadaw. The military still controls Myanmar's political system and a large part of the financial and economic institutions. It also serves as the guarantor of the success of the peace process. On every step of her reform agenda, Suu Kyi must be careful to preserve the rapprochement with top military officials, avoid threatening their business interests, and sustain their support for the peace process. This, alongside of the country's many pressing challenges — from dealing with a restive ethnic minority to upgrading its languishing infrastructure — requires exceptional tact.

Of course, Suu Kyi could succeed in striking the balance the country needs and still fail to achieve the desired outcome. The easing of sanctions will not transform Myanmar's dilapidated economy overnight, nor will increased investment, trade flows or economic assistance. Similarly, the country's ethnic, linguistic and religious differences and history of military suppression and foreign exploitation may be too much to overcome to achieve unity anytime soon. And no matter how much Myanmar asserts itself in regional affairs — South China Sea disputes, economic integration efforts and so on — it is still far removed from its one-time status as a dominant regional force. But if she can harness the current momentum, Suu Kyi could at least move the country one step closer to its goals.