Ukraine's Pechersk District Court on Oct. 11 will issue a verdict on a case involving former Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko, who is charged with abuse of power during her time in office. It is likely that Timoshenko will be found guilty, though it is less likely that she will see any of the seven-year prison sentence a guilty verdict would entail, due to a pending parliamentary vote to decriminalize the charges under which she is being tried. Timoshenko's fate is important with regard to the fate of Ukraine's future ties with the European Union. While it is not the only hurdle to closer integration with the European Union, it could single-handedly derail the country's efforts to sign key agreements with the bloc, making the court decision and any follow-up legal action important to watch. Timoshenko's trial has become a major issue for Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich. Politically, she is the most serious challenger to Yanukovich, who narrowly defeated her in the 2010 presidential elections, and it is expected that Timoshenko is looking to make a political comeback in parliamentary elections in October 2012. Since assuming the presidency, Yanukovich has done much to consolidate his hold on power, including allegedly facilitating the trial against Timoshenko for an agreement she signed as prime minister with Russia over natural gas supplies in 2009. The pending verdict coincides with another important issue in Ukraine: the ongoing negotiations with the European Union on signing an association agreement and a free trade agreement. Completing these agreements is important for Yanukovich domestically, as much of the Ukrainian population favors increasing ties with the European Union, and the government has set its own deadline to sign the agreements by the end of the year. Many EU leaders, including German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Council President Herman Van Rompuy, have spoken against the Timoshenko trial, with some even going as far as to say that these agreements will not be signed if Timoshenko goes to jail. Yanukovich finds himself in a difficult position between his domestic political stance and his standing with the European Union. The key for Yanukovich is to satisfy his reputation and hold onto power and his commitment to the bloc without damaging either one significantly. Yanukovich may have found a legal loophole that will allow him to achieve both. If Timoshenko is convicted, it will show that Yanukovich did not back down on the issue. However, a second reading of an amendment to the criminal code will be held on an unspecified date after the verdict is issued (the first reading prior to the verdict was rejected), which, if approved by parliament, would decriminalize her offense. This would mean that Timoshenko would not have to go to prison, though it would not acquit her of charges either. Timoshenko's punishment would then likely be limited to a fine or other non-criminal measures, which could in themselves distract or even prohibit her from political activities in the near future. However, such a scenario would not solve all of Yanukovich's problems. Even if Timoshenko does not go to jail, several EU representatives have said that any punishment of Timoshenko should not prevent her from running in the 2012 elections — something Yanukovich clearly wants to avoid. On Oct. 10, EU foreign affairs chief Catherine Ashton said the bloc is currently contemplating its reaction to the verdict, implying that the verdict alone could complicate EU-Ukrainian relations. The Timoshenko trial is not the only hurdle for Ukraine in signing the EU agreements. The ratification still needs approval from the parliaments of all 27 EU member states. That means that there are still a few more months for unexpected issues to arise — issues that could create more problems for Yanukovich's ushering of the EU agreements, limiting his room to maneuver even further as his proposed end of the year deadline nears.