In a parliamentary debate Aug. 24, the Pheu Thai Party (PTP) outlined government policies that will be implemented following the July 3 general election, including constitutional amendments that could happen as early as 2012. The charter changes have been the PTP's top policy priority since the election, when the party won a majority of the seats in parliament only to form a five-party coalition government. The coalition was announced July 4 by new Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin's younger sister. Immediately following the election, the party turned its attention to the charter changes. The PTP has indicated the changes would essentially involve merging the 1997 constitution, which was abrogated after the September 2006 military coup, with modified portions of the 2007 charter. The first amendment would be to Section 291 of the 2007 constitution, which articulates the conditions necessary to change the Thai Constitution in order to establish a constitutional drafting assembly. The ultimate goal is thought to be removal of Section 309, which essentially legalizes the 2006 coup and the conviction of the former prime minister. The PTP has sent mixed signals over its approach to the constitutional amendments, particularly removal of the contentious Section 309. It has attempted to quell the speculation linking the changes to Thaksin's amnesty, saying it would wait until the political climate improves. The latest move, coinciding with Thaksin's high-profile visit to Japan and the leak of a possible visit to Cambodia, appeared to be a government attempt to test the reaction from various players and to demonstrate its willingness to accelerate the amendment process. Yingluck clearly understands the consequences of a hasty return by Thaksin to a historically unstable country particularly split over the Thaksin issue. But the PTP's electoral majority and the public adoration of Yingluck have put the Thaksin camp in an advantageous position. The government may want to take advantage of its current popularity and get the amendment process under way sooner rather than later. Still, the government has a host of other pressing issues to deal with, from current economic troubles to a border issue with Cambodia, and mishandling the charter changes could give the opposition more room to maneuver. How the government handles the issue will indicate how comfortable it feels in confronting the opposition in the near term. Ultimately, Thaksin's return would no doubt bring a new round of uncertainty and possibly even chaos to the country. The government's decision to make constitutional reform its top priority has raised concerns not only among opposition forces but also among the military and the traditional political establishment headed by a hereditary monarchy. All perceive Thaksin's return as a threat to their interests. They have closely watched the PTP's moves following the election and have bided their time, knowing they must gather their strength before exercising any greater challenge to the new government. The People's Alliance for Democracy (aka the Yellow Shirts), the leading anti-Thaksin group, has actively campaigned against any constitutional amendment and is questioning any move to help Thaksin evade legal problems. Meanwhile, the outgoing Democrat Party also has pressured the government to file impeachment charges against PTP-appointed Foreign Minister Surapong Towichukchaikul for helping facilitate Thaksin's Aug. 23-27 trip to Japan. The PTP has carefully tried to balance its relations with the military and the political establishment, which represent the biggest threat to the pro-Thaksin government. With her Cabinet appointments, it was clear Yingluck did not want to threaten the military or the royal palace, at least not right away. Without any "Red Shirt" leaders in the Cabinet, there was no need for the military to intervene. But time will tell. The military will watch for, among other things, any government meddling in an upcoming military reshuffling in late September. While Yingluck has so far avoided raising the ire of current army commander Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha and his key allies, some of Thaksin's allies will likely receive important positions in the government at some point, which will certainly ratchet up the opposition. It is still too early to tell how the PTP will manage the charter changes and Thaksin's return, and it is unclear how willing or able the military and political establishment will be to resist those moves. Thaksin, a figure representing a threat to the traditional Thai power structure, is only one of many problems the Yingluck government faces in an unstable and divided society.