Representatives from the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) are scheduled to meet with representatives of Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa on Oct. 15 in an attempt to gain some concessions over the Ecuadorian government on the issues of water, pollution, mining and oil exploration in traditionally indigenous regions. The meeting comes on the heels of a fizzled CONAIE-led nationwide protest Sept. 28 against a proposed law regulating water, when the core of the group threatened to protest in perpetuity, but ended the protest after one day due to low turnout and government pressure. Although the national protests faded quickly, one faction of CONAIE, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon, persisted in staging violent protests in Ecuador's remote Amazon region. The Amazonian protest against mining and oil activity in Ecuador left one dead and at least nine indigenous persons and 40 policemen wounded. CONAIE is no stranger to pressuring the government, having played a strong role in Ecuador's turbulent political history. The group represents an estimated one-third of Ecuador's indigenous peoples, and was integral to the 2000 military coup that led to the ouster of Ecuadorian President Jamil Mahuad after he proposed the dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy. And in 2005, CONAIE participated in protests that led to the removal of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutierrez. The generally popular Correa will not be so quick to be toppled, however. A popular president in a country that little knows political stability, Correa derives much of his support through his populist rejection of "neoliberal" policies and his promises to the poor. (His ability to speak an indigenous language has not hurt his standing, either.) His popularity has helped him survive the global economic downturn, which prompted the Ecuadorian government to default on $3.9 billion of foreign debt and allowed him to push through a new constitution that significantly strengthened the executive branch of government. But despite Correa's position of strength (relative, at least, to presidents before him), he cannot ignore the fact that indigenous organizations in Ecuador — where indigenous peoples make up an estimated 30 percent of the country's population of 14.5 million — are a force to be reckoned with. In this respect, Ecuador is much like its neighbor, Peru. In both countries, lopsided wealth distribution has left indigenous populations largely poor and without much of a voice in government. Harsh living conditions coupled with little recourse to legal action means that, for the indigenous populations of Ecuador and Peru, civic unrest is the clearest way of conveying a political message. As recently as June, neighboring Peru experienced serious domestic unrest, resulting in the deaths of more than 30 people and forcing the government to backtrack on foreign investment laws. While it is not clear that CONAIE or its sister organizations are able to mobilize serious domestic support at this moment, the evolution of these groups in opposition to the Correa government could have profound implications for the country's stability. And though the government will head into Oct. 15 negotiations from a position of strength, this is a dynamic that will bear close scrutiny in the months and years to come as Correa seeks to attract more international investment, at the risk of further alienating the indigenous constituency.