Russian Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov could become chairman of the board of directors of Gazprom, Interfax news reported Jan. 30. The announcement implies that President Vladimir Putin has found the man he wants to succeed Gazprom's present chairman, Dmitri Medvedev, who is preparing run in Russia's March presidential election. A competent manager, Zubkov would do well in the position. Most significantly, his nomination will allay fears among Russia's top two political clans about Putin's interest in taking over Gazprom, which could destabilize the balance of power in the Kremlin. The Kremlin's power players have grown increasingly anxious about the succession at Gazprom in recent months. The prospect of Putin taking over the country's biggest and most politically powerful company sent ripples of terror through the Kremlin's major clans. Vladislav Surkov, Putin's right-hand man, and his Gazprom-centered faction enjoy the benefits of being under Putin's aegis. But Surkov would not necessarily be pleased if Putin sat at Gazprom's head. All power within the company would gravitate toward Putin, diminishing the autonomy of Gazprom's own people. Gazprom would thus prefer to operate at a safe distance from Putin, while still occasionally receiving his favors. Igor Sechin, Surkov's chief rival, and his Rosneft-centered clan would have the most to lose if Putin officially headed Gazprom's board. In that case, the scales of power would tip decisively away from Sechin and Rosneft — and nothing would be able to stop Gazprom from overpowering and assimilating its main rival. Sechin's hopes of eventually becoming Russia's leader would be dashed. Thus, the survival of Rosneft, and Sechin, depends on Putin's continued "neutrality." Putin has therefore received sharp criticism from all sides for publicly musing about leading Gazprom's board. The power imbalance that would ensue from his doing so probably would cause strife from which only Surkov or Sechin would emerge, and even they might not make it through intact. By the same token, no one — especially not Putin — would approve of Medvedev holding onto the Gazprom chair while gaining Russia's presidency. This would concentrate too much power in a single person. Zubkov is the perfect candidate, then, to head Gazprom and preserve the balance between the clans. Zubkov is a dependable technocrat, loyal to Putin, neutral among the political clans — or as near to neutral as possible — and up to the hugely influential and political task of leading Gazprom. As yet, he has no political ambitions of his own. He appears to be a safe nominee, one who will not try to project himself beyond a Putin-centered universe. The thing that best qualifies Zubkov for the Gazprom chairmanship, his political neutrality, will be the first casualty of his succession, however. It is nearly impossible to hold such a hugely influential and highly politicized position and remain moderate. Think of Alexei Miller, who was an impartial manager when he was appointed to become Gazprom CEO in 2001, but who now is among the most politicized men in Putin's inner circle. The seemingly unlimited power of being Gazprom's leader, not to mention the opportunities for personal enrichment, is almost certain to stoke any latent ambitions Zubkov might have. That, in turn, makes it likely that Putin will need to revisit the question of Gazprom's leadership in a year and review Zubkov's performance — if only to ensure that Putin remains the true master.