Russian President Vladimir Putin — and the Russian nation itself — is at a crossroads. Putin must decide soon on Russia's future course. Not only is he coming under increased — and potentially unbearable — pressure from abroad that requires definite answers on Russia's future, but the Russian nation's patience is running out. If Putin continues to procrastinate on measures urgently needed to revive the country, the Russian people will have to act to escape geopolitical — and perhaps even literal — death as a nation. In light of Russia's continued existence and even resurgence at times in spite of losses in some of the bloodiest events of the 20th century — including World War II — it is hard to believe that the Russian nation would fade away quietly. And with internal and external pressure building at an accelerated rate, a decision on Russia's fate cannot be delayed for long. The 60th V-E Day celebrations, held May 8-10 in Moscow, appear to be serving as a powerful catalyst for awakening the Russian people. This effect might not be noticeable in media reports or in Russia's large cities; but in small Russian villages and towns and among impoverished Russian workers, the powerful emotions tied to both World War II and the V-E Day commemoration seem to be combining to form a trigger to try to revive the ailing Russia. To understand exactly why V-E Day could serve as a rallying point for Russia, consider this: For the Russians, the World War II victory over Nazi Germany was by far a defining event. It represents the country's moment of highest glory and highest sacrifice, and the significance of that victory is in the Russians' veins. No understanding of Russia is complete without understanding this point. Every family — literally — in Russia lost loved ones in World War II. These casualties led many Russians to be brought up as orphans or in incomplete families — a factor that affected several generations of Russians and delayed Russia's progress in all spheres. This is why Russians say V-E Day is a celebration, but they say it with tears in their eyes. The war was not only an enormous sacrifice for the whole nation; it also was the nation's greatest effort as a whole to rise to a deadly occasion — to face an invasion by what was then the world's best army, and win at any cost. Early in the war, Russian soldiers threw themselves under enemy tanks to blow them up, Russian pilots guided their burning planes onto German land combat positions, and soldiers fought while completely surrounded with no hope of survival. Later in the war, while driving the Germans back, Russian soldiers who had run out of grenades jumped onto fortified German machine-gun positions to block bullets with their bodies to allow their comrades to proceed, and Russian pilots out of ammunition rammed enemy planes with their own. Courage was by no means limited to the military, either; in spite of the German forces' burning 600 villages and their entire populations in Belarus alone, massive resistance continued among civilian populations. Younger generations of Russians grew up with an unusually intimate understanding of the war because they were constantly surrounded by reminders. During the Soviet period, the Great Patriotic War was the subject of many films and books and was commonly referred to in day-to-day life. Whole cities that witnessed their defenders' mass heroism during the war — Kiev, Volgograd (then Stalingrad) and others — were designated "Hero Cities" and were revered by the people. War memorials and fallen soldiers' graves were — and still are — prominent features in nearly every town in Western Russia. After the monuments to Josef Stalin and Vladimir Lenin were pulled down, the war monuments remained to serve as a powerful source of inspiration for the Russians' moral strength. Given the importance of V-E Day in Russia, think of how the Russians feel when, during the commemoration of that victory, representatives from other countries begin focusing on Russia's occupation of neighboring territories after the war rather than on Russia's contribution to the victory in Europe. Furthermore, former German allies from the Baltics and Western Ukraine have managed to escape the West's condemnation in spite of their glorifying SS Division veterans. For example, a monument to the Estonian veterans of the 20th SS Division — which became infamous for mass executions of civilians — was done with state honors, with Estonia's prime minister in attendance, in Estonia's capital of Tallinn on the eve of this V-E Day. This apparently went unnoticed by Western media. But much Russian anger is directed inside Russia itself. Sources in all strata of Russian society say that pro-U.S. liberals, who remain a tiny minority within Russia and appear to be disdained or hated by many, have portrayed V-E Day in their media outlets in such a way that Russian anger is boiling. For example, grani.ru — arguably the most radically liberal, pro-U.S. media Internet news agency in Russia — has a headline that reads: "How [Russian] Nation — Victor Raped German Women." Russians are angry at the slant of the article — some Russian soldiers did in fact commit these acts in Germany in 1945, but their commanders took steps to prosecute them; furthermore, Russian women faced the same atrocities at the hands of German soldiers from 1941 to 1944. However, what provokes the most ire is that the media outlet puts the blame on the whole nation. So in the Russians' eyes, the report is an insult to the entire country. Besides the pro-U.S. liberals, Putin himself is a target of anger for many Russians. For the V-E Day celebrations, the Russian president turned central Moscow into a closed-off city; Russians nicknamed it the "Green Zone," after central Baghdad, where nobody can go without U.S. military permission. Except for a select few loyal to Putin, the Russian people could not attend a military parade and were not let into Red Square, where Russians celebrated their victory in 1945 and thereafter. This gives the appearance that Putin is celebrating Russia's greatest victory in the company of foreign leaders — some of whom are perceived as unfriendly to Russia — while isolating himself from the people who elected him. It seems that the V-E Day celebrations are contributing to the disappearance of the Russian people's belief and trust in Putin. His isolation during the ceremonies cannot help but contribute to a feeling of alienation between Putin and the people. STRATFOR believes that gradually, but certainly — and helped by the V-E Day celebrations — Russians might begin thinking about taking the fate of their country into their own hands. This would be a scary prospect for Putin, but given Russia's current catastrophic state, such action would not be about Putin — it would be about the Russian nation and its survival.